Category Archives: legal issues

Confidentiality Agreement Crackdown, Revisited

If there was any question whether the Securities and Exchange Commission was serious in its efforts to clamp down on confidentiality statements, Office of the Whistleblower Chief Sean McKessy put it to rest during a recent American Bar Association webinar titled “New Developments in Whistleblower Claims and the SEC,” which took place on Wednesday.ThinkstockPhotos-155172325

Some of you may recall the story we published earlier this month titled “Cracking Down on Confidentiality Agreements,” in which I reported on the SEC’s first “enforcement action” against a company it said had used restrictive language in its confidentiality agreements.

More precisely, the SEC charged the Houston-based engineering firm KBR Inc. of violating whistleblower protection Rule 21F-17 by requiring witnesses in certain internal-investigation interviews to sign confidentiality statements saying violators could face discipline, including termination, if they discussed the matters with outside parties without KBR’s approval.

Most of the experts I spoke to for that story predicted that the SEC wasn’t likely to stop with KBR in pursuing such violations—and  McKessy’s remarks on Wednesday seemed to back up those claims.

On Thursday, Seyfarth Shaw attorney Ada W. Dolph, who was one of the sources for my original story, provided some commentary on McKessy’s remarks, writing in a memo that McKessy pointed out in the ABA webinar that the SEC rule is “very broad,” and “intentionally so.”

Dolph, based in her firm’s Chicago office, continued …

“McKessy stated that this initiative remains a ‘priority’ for him and his office. ‘To the extent that we have come across this language [restricting whistleblowers] in a Code of Conduct’ or other agreements, the SEC has taken the position that it ‘falls within our jurisdiction and we have the ability to enforce it.’ He noted that ‘KBR is a concrete case to demonstrate what I have been saying,’ referencing public remarks he has made in the past regarding SEC scrutiny of employment agreements. He stated that the agency is continuing to take affirmative steps to identify agreements that violate the Rule, including soliciting individuals to provide agreements for the SEC to review. Additionally, he reported that the SEC is reviewing executive severance agreements filed with Forms 8-K for any potential violations of the Rule.”

Dolph pointed out that McKessy also addressed the question of whether the SEC would apply the KBR order to private companies under the U.S. Supreme Court’s 2014 ruling in Lawson v. FMR LLC, 134 S.Ct. 1158 (2014)—which expanded Sarbanes-Oxley’s whistleblower protections to employees of private companies who contract with public companies. McKessy, she reported, “stated that the SEC has not officially taken a position on this issue, but in his personal opinion he ‘certainly can see a logical thread behind the logic of the Lawson decision’ to be ‘expanded into this space [private companies],’ and that ‘anyone who has read the Lawson decision can extrapolate from it the broader application.’ ”

In short, Dolph concluded, “it is clear that we can expect further SEC enforcement actions in this area.”

Granted, that’s pretty much been the expectation all along. But McKessy’s remarks should, at the very least, be considered a not-so-friendly reminder that you might not want to wait too long before reviewing your confidentiality agreements and policies in order to ensure they aren’t worded in a way that would catch the attention of SEC officials.

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Increased Skepticism Around EEOC Claims?

lawsuitAccording to at least one attorney, a recent Sixth Circuit appeals court ruling in a disability discrimination case underscores the federal courts’ increasingly cynical view of EEOC claims.

An overview of what led to the April 10 decision in EEOC v. Ford Motor Co.:

Jane Harris, a now-former Ford employee with irritable bowel syndrome, sought a job schedule of her choosing, which would allow her to work from home as needed, up to four days a week. Ford denied her request, determining that “regular and predictable on-site attendance” was essential to Harris’s “highly interactive” job as a resale buyer with the company.

Early in her career with Ford, Harris—who joined the automaker in 2003—earned awards and accolades for what court documents describe as her “strong commodity of knowledge” and “diligent work effort.” Her performance soon deteriorated, however, and by her fifth full year with the company, Harris ranked in the bottom 10 percent of her peer group within Ford. By 2009, her last year with the organization, she “was not performing the basic functions of her position,” according to court records.

In addition, Harris missed an average of 1.5 work days per week in 2008, and frequently arrived at work late and left early, court records indicate.

Harris’ irritable bowel syndrome naturally exacerbated the situation, with her symptoms contributing to greater stress. In turn, the added stress worsened her symptoms and made it more likely for her to miss work.

Court records suggest that Ford “tried to help” Harris, adjusting her work schedule and allowing her to work from home on an ad hoc basis, for instance. But, despite these measures being taken, Harris was still “unable to establish regular and consistent work hours” and failed “to perform the core objectives of the job.”

After Ford attempted to offer alternative accommodations—some of which Harris rejected—she was terminated in September 2009, as a result of what the company called “several years of subpar performance and high absences.”

In August 2011, the EEOC sued Ford under the Americans with Disabilities Act. While the Sixth Circuit ruled against Ford in an April 2014 decision, an appellate panel voted to rehear that ruling. The court ultimately reversed that decision, noting that an employee with a disability is not qualified for a position if he or she cannot perform the necessary functions of the role with or without reasonable accommodation. The court noted that telecommuting may be a reasonable accommodation per the ADA, except in a scenario in which regular attendance is essential to performing the job’s critical functions.

The EEOC “has been pursuing telecommuting claims on a regular basis,” says Mark Girouard, a Minneapolis-based labor and employment attorney with Nilan Johnson Lewis.

This decision, however, figures to make establishing these claims more difficult for the organization, says Girouard.

“Obviously, each position must be analyzed individually, but the Sixth Circuit’s description of the job at issue in this case could be applied to many other positions.”

In other words, there are many jobs where availability to participate in face-to-face interactions should necessitate regular and predictable performance, he says, adding that “the en banc decision makes clear that courts should defer to employers’ business judgment on that issue.”

Last week’s decision “adds to the list of recent major losses for the EEOC,” says Girouard. “Separate and apart from the substance of the decision, the fact that the EEOC lost another major lawsuit highlights the increasing skepticism applied to the EEOC by the federal courts.”

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Get Set for the NLRB’s ‘Quickie-Election’ Rule!

If you thought April 15 was a date to keep you awake at night, the day before — April 14; that’s tomorrow, folks! — could be worse. 116040122 -- labor unionTomorrow is the day the National Labor Relations Board’s “ambush-election rules,” aka “quickie-election rules,” governing how union representation is voted on by employees, takes effect.

Late last month, I was made aware of this post at LaborUnionReport.com, pointing out (in pretty cryptic terms) that “as President Obama’s union attorneys controlling the National Labor Relations Board push through their so-called ‘ambush-election rules’ … the NLRB is conducting ‘practitioner’ training at NLRB offices and other locations (including a union office) across the country.”

The post says little else, but does include the PowerPoint presentation being used for the practitioners’ education. I found it somewhat interesting. You might too.

Meanwhile, NLRB General Counsel Richard F. Griffin Jr. did release early last week a guidance memo on modifications to organized-labor-representation procedures effective April 14 — specifically, how new cases will be processed from petition filing through certification. In his words,

“I am confident that the guidance provided herein will allow regions to implement the final rule effectively and efficiently.”

What effect these new rules will have remains to be seen, though Joel Barras, employment attorney at Reed Smith, says he’s pretty  confident they’ll “dramatically limit the time employers have to run pro-company campaigns.” As he puts it:

“I believe unions will now wait to file their union representation petitions until the new rules take effect. If I am right, and we see a high number of petitions filed in mid to late April, that would serve as an excellent indication that unions agree with employers that the new rules will dramatically improve the likelihood that employees will vote to join unions.”

In a webinar Friday by several Littler attorneys, addressing what more than one called this “new reality,” Tanja Thompson, Memphis, Tenn.-based office managing shareholder for Littler, confirmed that her office has seen a recent “slowdown” in the number of union petitions filed, indicating many are, indeed, probably waiting to file under the new rules, as Barras predicts.

“Make no mistake; this rule change is designed to see increases in union win rates,” she said. ” … We do anticipate accelerated activity starting April 14.”

She and the others shared cautionary tips for making sure nothing is missed in the new system, such as adhering to deadlines for supplying lists of personal contact and job information of all likely and eligible union members … and remembering that union notices will now be coming via email, not fax, and “unions don’t always get it right in who they email, yet that’s who’s being served,” said Thompson.

They also laid out all kinds of strategies for being proactive and not waiting to take action until a petition is filed under the new system, which is expected to change the current six-week election process to something closer to two-to-three weeks.

Action plans should include putting your employer statement out now on unions and how you view them, ensure supervisors and managers are comfortable talking with employees about that view, and ensuring all workers understand the value of their wages and benefits.

“My fear for employers,” said Jeff Harrison, a Minneapolis-based Littler shareholder, “is they’ll be busy meeting the many requirements [of responding to a petition] at the expense of focusing on their [anti-union] campaign communication strategies.”

For a further frame of reference on what’s coming, here is our most recent post by Michael J. O’Brien on the “current ‘quickie’ kerfuffle,” as he calls it — namely, the vote on March 19 by the U.S. House of Representatives, passing a GOP-led resolution to overturn the rule. With Obama almost certain to veto it, the vote appears to have created hardly a wrinkle in the NLRB’s preparations, as I indicated above.

Here, too, is some good discussion of the GOP’s effect on the NLRB that Tom Starner raised in a January news analysis. Specifically, he writes, “while the NLRB has characterized its actions as ‘modernizing its processes,’ legal experts representing employers say the real impact will deny employers an adequate chance to stage an anti-union campaign prior to employee voting.”

So … “gather your bragging points now,” as Harrison said in the webinar. “Conduct vulnerability assessments,” with special focus on employees being treated fairly, with dignity and respect, and with robust employee-appreciation programs … those catch phrases “you often find in union petitions,” he said.

Bottom line, look closely at your people issues, said Harrison. “Are your people treating your people right?” Because it’s those types of complaints — treatment ones — that “are almost always behind” employees being driven to unionize.

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Krawcheck Calls for Greater Diversity

Sallie Krawcheck

Sallie Krawcheck

The second day of SHRM’s Employment Law & Legislative Conference featured a morning talk by Sallie Krawcheck, a former high-profile Wall Street executive who’s now the chair of Ellevate, a New York-based mentoring network for women (formerly known as 85 Broads).

In describing her experiences as one of the few female leaders in an industry that continues to be dominated by white males, Krawcheck paid tribute to HR. “The first young man I had to fire threatened to kill me,” she said. “He said he would hunt me down in a dark alley. The second young man I had to fire insisted that I was doing so because I was actually in love with him. He suggested that I put him up in a love nest. So, I have a great deal of respect for what you in HR have to deal with.”

She also offered her own take on what led to the financial meltdown of 2008: “I don’t think it was greed so much as groupthink,” she said. “And what breaks groupthink? Diversity of thought.”

Krawcheck called on HR to “keep us honest, give us training on this, encourage us to have those courageous conversations where we say, ‘Dave, you interrupted Susie five times during her presentation, but you didn’t interrupt Bill once during his.’ ”

Companies today suffer from a surplus of mentoring opportunities for women but a deficit of sponsoring programs, she said, in which executives actively advocate for women in their careers. “Some companies are actually replacing their mentoring programs with sponsoring programs.”

Companies can demonstrate their commitment to diversity by making it a key developmental milestone, said Krawcheck. “Here’s a thought: Give responsibility for diversity to a high-potential white guy.”

Later on that day, a breakout session featured two board members from the National Labor Relations Board, who sought to explain the Board’s reasoning on controversial matters such as so-called “ambush elections” rule regarding union-certification elections.

“I’m told the best part of the new rule starts on page 500, where [Harry] Johnson and I write our dissent,” said Philip Miscimarra, who is — along with Johnson — one of the two Republican appointees to the five-member Board.

He and Johnson disagreed with the new elections rule on a number of different issues, particularly its dramatic compression of the time allowed between when a union files a certification petition and the election. “The [National Labor Relations Act] is silent with respect to timing,” said Miscimarra. “How fast is too fast, or how slow is too slow — it is silent on those issues.” He noted that both houses of Congress have passed a “resolution of disapproval” of the new rule — a resolution that could potentially nullify the rule should a Republican win the next presidential election and sign the resolution into law.

One of the most contentious issues the Board continues to wrestle with, said Miscimarra, is the extent to which companies have the right to restrict concerted activities by employees that could be considered as “disrespectful, discourteous or insubordinate.”

“Employers have been surprised to learn that rules they have in place for a good reason — rules that require employees to show courtesy and respect — are unlawful under our statute,” he said.  “I do hope the Board can do a better job of devising a standard in this area that people will find helpful.”

 

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SHRM Legal Conference Gets Under Way

You’ve probably heard of the best-selling book What To Expect When You’re Expecting. Well, what about what to expect when your employees are expecting? This was, in fact, the title of a session during the first day of SHRM’s 2015 Employment Law & Legislative Conference this Monday, where employment attorney Courtney Perez reminded a packed room that the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission has made targeting pregnancy discrimination one of its top enforcement priorities.

“This topic is personal for me,” said Perez, a working mom of two and the expectant mother of a third. As a senior associate at Dallas-based Carter Scholer Arnett Hamada & Mockler, she advises clients regularly on how to avoid discriminating against employees and ending up on the wrong end of a lawsuit.

Mothers make up a huge chunk of the workforce: 57 percent of women with children 1 years old or younger hold down jobs outside the home, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, while 62 percent of women who give birth are in the workforce at the time and 40 percent of U.S. households with children younger than 18 have mothers who are the sole or primary breadwinners, she said.

As the number of women in the workforce has grown, so too has the rate of pregnancy discrimination: The number of pregnancy discrimination charges filed with the EEOC went up by 35 percent between 1997 and 2008, said Perez. One of the biggest areas of contention revolves around the topic of light duty for pregnant workers: The Supreme Court is expected to announce its ruling soon in Young vs. UPS, in which delivery driver Peggy Young filed suit against the package delivery company after it required her to go on unpaid maternity leave instead of providing her with light duty during her pregnancy. UPS said Young didn’t qualify for a program in which temporarily disabled employees were given light duty until they could resume their regular jobs.

Should the Supreme Court rule in favor of Young, “it may expand the definition of the Pregnancy Discrimination Act,” the 1978 law passed by Congress in response to an earlier Supreme Court ruling that employers who discriminated against pregnant employees were not guilty of sex discrimination, said Perez.

Although pregnancy itself is not considered a disability under the law, the EEOC’s guidelines recommend that employers treat pregnant employees whose condition limits their job abilities the same as other temporarily disabled employees, said Perez.

She recommended a set of best practices for HR to follow, chiefly that HR ensure that a company’s policies and practices related to hiring, promotion and pay do not disadvantage pregnant employees or those who plan to take or have taken maternity leave. And beware the “mommy track,” she said, referring to the practice of steering pregnant employees into less-prestigious, lower-paying jobs.

“That’s the stuff of which discrimination lawsuits are made,” said Perez.

State governments aren’t waiting on the Supreme Court or Congress to give increased protections to pregnant workers, said Jonathan Segal, a partner at Duane Morris in Philadelphia. At least nine states have passed laws that go further than the federal PDA in requiring companies to accommodate pregnant employees, he said, part of a trend in which states are taking a more activist role in workplace matters.

“There may be gridlock at the federal level, but at the state level we’re seeing a lot of action,” said Segal during the session “All Politics is Local: State Law Trends.”

Thirteen states so far (and at least 90 municipalities) have passed so-called “ban the box” laws that prohibit employers from asking job candidates on their initial application whether they’ve ever been convicted of something. Four states have passed laws specifically protecting interns from discrimination and harassment. Twenty one states have passed laws banning discrimination on the basis of sexual orientation, and 19 of those states also have laws banning gender-identity discrimination.

“With the 2016 election, you can expect to see more ballot initiatives pertaining to paid sick leave, raising the minimum wage, gender identity — more Democratic voters tend to participate in presidential elections than mid-term ones, and these issues resonate with them,” said Segal.

Conservative state lawmakers have also been active: Twenty-two states have passed laws protecting the right of employees to store guns in their cars while they’re at work. A new law proposed in Pennsylvania would even allow employees to store guns on the outside of their vehicles, said Segal. Meanwhile, the number of “right to work” states is at an all-time high of 26, having recently been joined by Wisconsin and Michigan.

All of this poses a special burden for multi-state employers, said Segal, who must comply with a patchwork of regulations across the country.

In some cases, he said, the best approach is to keep it simple. With respect to ban-the-box, it might make sense to simply remove the question from all job application forms, rather than having differing forms for different jurisdictions.

“Does it really make sense to have multiple forms for different states?” asked Segal. “This is an area where we’re certainly going to see more states adopt this rule. It’s one thing that actually attracts support from both Republicans and Democrats.”

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Marijuana Acceptance Marches On

It’s still highly unlikely that any employer will ever have to allow an employee to work while he or she is stoned, whether there’s a safety 146967521 - smoking dopeor security risk or not, but the chips seem to keep falling away from those sturdy walls that made marijuana unacceptable, illegal and disallowed for years.

The latest indication that pot is going mainstream comes in this Illinois Appellate Court ruling (found on the Canna Law Blog site) affirming a Circuit Court’s ruling that just because a worker was fired for violating his employer’s drug-and-alcohol-free workplace policy doesn’t mean he can’t collect unemployment benefits.

Seems this maintenance worker for the Jefferson County Housing Authority fessed up to his employer — just before a random mandatory drug screening — that he might not pass because he had smoked pot several weeks earlier while on vacation. He was fired, even though his tests results were negative, and was turned down for unemployment benefits because of the nature of his termination.

The Housing Authority’s policy prohibits employees from being under the influence of any controlled substance “while in the course of employment.” Both the Circuit Court and Appellate Court agreed “course of employment” was interpreted too broadly by the Illinois Department of Employment Security to include off-duty hours.

“Among the reasons the Circuit Court found the agency’s interpretation unreasonable,” the blog states, “was the fact that marijuana is now legal in some states and the fact that it unreasonably restricted off-duty time while serving no legitimate public purpose.”

Yes, indeed, marijuana is absolutely now legal in some states, as this news analysis and this blog post by me indicate. But it’s more than going legal, as I also indicate. It’s becoming big business. Make that a huge industry.

Just this month, news releases came across my screen announcing a Cannabis Career Institute opening in San Diego as well as three others in Florida, Illinois and Nevada, all designed, as the releases state, to teach “ganjapreneurs how to succeed in the marijuana industry as the green rush continues.”

Attorneys and experts I’ve talked to assure me employers will always have the legal right — and responsibility — to keep their workplaces safe and drug-free. I just wonder how all this nudging from the “cannabusiness” community and the courts is going to impact how those employers sleep at night.

 

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2014’s Top 10 Posts

Here at The Leader Board, it was another interesting year covering the HR arena, with issues ranging from the controversy surrounding the HR certification, to lawsuits based on a worker’s commute, to HR leaders’ efforts to ensure their organizations’ compliance with the Affordable Care Act and various other legal requirements, just to name a few.

Below are links to the top 10 most-read posts of 2014, according to Google Analytics.

When viewed together, the posts create an accurate mosaic of the issues HR leaders are faced this year and are likely to continue dealing with into the new year.

Enjoy!

  1. SHRM Rolls Out New Certification (May 13)
  2. HR Plaintiffs Build Their Case Against Lowe’s (Jan. 24)
  3. Google Tackles Incentives and Rewards (April 29)
  4. More Restrictions on Criminal-Background Checks (Feb. 10)
  5. Employers Missing ADA Coverage in FMLA Cases (June 30)
  6. Friedman Shakes It Up at SHRM (June 23)
  7. ‘The 27 Challenges Managers Face’ (July 28)
  8. Who’s Leading the Way? (Nov. 13)
  9. Woman Sues Ex-Employer Over Commute (July 2)
  10. Giving HR the Boot (April 9)
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NLRB: Targeting McDonald’s as ‘Joint Employer’

I suspect most of you have been following, to some extent, the fast-food worker protests of the past couple of years. As recently as Dec. 4, fast-food workers from around the country demonstrated in front of their restaurants, continuing their fight for a $15-an-hour wage. 486860229

Well, the latest update in the story came on Friday, when the National Labor Relations Board issued complaints against McDonald’s franchisees and their franchisor, McDonald’s USA, as joint employers, alleging that they violated the rights of employees participating in the protests by making threats and retaliating against them.

Kendall Fells, organizing director of the Fight for 15, a group formed to advance the cause of a $15 living wage, told the Chicago Tribune (registration required) that “McDonald’s exerts such extensive control over its franchised business operations that, for all intents and purposes, McDonald’s is the boss. It’s obvious that the company should share responsibility with franchisees for the treatment of its workers.”

The NLRB’s General Counsel, Richard Griffin, issued 78 charges against McDonald’s and its franchisees. In response to the NLRB announcement, McDonald’s issued the following statement

“McDonald’s is disappointed with the Board’s decision to overreach and move forward with these charges, and will contest the joint employer allegation as well as the unfair labor practice charges in the proper forums. These allegations are driven in large part by a two-year, union-financed campaign that has targeted the McDonald’s brand and impacted McDonald’s restaurants. McDonald’s has taken the appropriate measures, working properly with its independent franchisees, to defend itself against that attack on its business. McDonald’s serves its 2,500 independent franchisees’ interests by protecting and promoting the McDonald’s brand and by providing access to resources related to food quality, customer service and restaurant management, among other things. These optional resources help entrepreneurs operate successful businesses. This relationship does not establish a joint-employer relationship under the law—and decades of case law support that principle.”

On Friday afternoon, I asked Marshall Babson — counsel in the New York and Washington offices of Seyfarth Shaw, who served as a member of the NLRB from 1985 to 1989 — for his take on the board’s move. “I can’t imagine what evidence the general counsel at NLRB has to justify the issuance of the complaints, but for more than 50 years, the general view has been that you can’t be a joint employer unless you’re an employer,” he said.

“My understanding is that if you’re McDonald’s and most [other] franchisors, you don’t become engaged in the hiring and firing of these employees,” he went on. “You don’t set their wages, benefits, and terms and conditions of employment on a day-to-day basis. You don’t say that [someone] should be terminated for this or that. … So [the NLRB complaints] represent an extraordinary departure from the past.”

In the 40 years he’s been doing employment law, Babson said he doesn’t recall a single instance when an otherwise legitimate relationship has been challenged in this manner. Babson said his advice to employers continues to be the same: If you’re a franchisor, keep focusing on brand integrity: What kind of uniforms people should wear and the way products should be prepared; and don’t act in the capacity of an employer.

“If it takes the Supreme Court or Congress to once again remind the board that the common-law definition of employer applies here, then [so be it],” he said. “But, in the meantime, it’s unfortunate that this has the potential to disrupt long-term traditional business relationships.”

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DOJ’s Move to Protect Transgender Individuals

Even if you’re not a state or local public employer, you still might want to make note of the following news out of the Justice Department yesterday.

185232263In a memo to the DOJ’s component heads and United States Attorneys, Attorney General Eric Holder said the DOJ is now taking the position that the protection of Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 extends to claims of discrimination based on an individual’s gender identity, including transgender status, thereby clarifying the Civil Rights Division’s ability to file Title VII claims against state and local public employers on behalf of transgender individuals. Put another way, it will no longer assert that Title VII’s prohibition against discrimination based on sex excludes discrimination based on gender identity per se, including transgender discrimination.

According to Holder …

“This important shift will ensure that the protections of the Civil Rights Act of 1964 are extended to those who suffer discrimination based on gender identity, including transgender status. This will help to foster fair and consistent treatment for all claimants.  And it reaffirms the Justice Department’s commitment to protecting the civil rights of all Americans.”

As most of you already know, the move follows a final rule released by the Department of Labor earlier this month that implements President Obama’s July 21 Executive Order 13672 prohibiting federal contractors and subcontractors from discriminating in employment practices on the bases of gender identity and sexual orientation.

As might be expected, Mara Keisling, executive director of the National Center for Transgender Equality, told the Associated Press she welcomed the news. But she also noted that, rather than breaking new ground, “it mainly affirms a position the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission has been taking since 2012.”

Earlier today, I asked Thomas B. Lewis, shareholder in the Princeton, N.J., office of law firm Stevens and Lee, to share his thoughts on the move.

Lewis suggested private employers should pay attention to this, because the “natural progression” will be for these protections to be applied to the private sector.

“These protections already [exist now in some states, such as New Jersey] and I think it’s only natural that other states will follow suit with expanding discrimination protections involving transgender individuals,” he said.

“So if you’re a private-sector employer,” he added, “you have to look at this with an eye toward following the directives of the federal government and stopping any form of discrimination based on somebody’s gender identity and orientation, because it’s not healthy for the workplace environment.”

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Unemployment Discrimination Rears Head Again

76806723 -- unemployedHaven’t seen one of these for awhile.

With the economy slowly, but surely making its way back (at least for now), cases involving unemployment discrimination have taken a back seat to recruiting and talent management, as stories go.

But as this New York Post piece from earlier this month suggests, the issue appears alive and well in a Manhattan-based staffing agency. In her recent lawsuit filed with the Supreme Court State of New York, County of New York, Valerie White claims she was turned down for an HR-coordinator position with Solomon Page Group in late July of this year because she’d been out of work for more than a year.

Here is the actual lawsuit filed, alleging that the company’s director of accounting operations, who joined White and Solomon’s recruiting director for the interview, told White, ” ‘I don’t think you can do this because you have been out of work for a year.’ ”

White claims in the lawsuit she was “extremely humiliated, degraded, victimized, embarrassed and emotionally distressed” by what happened — sentiments echoed in other stories about this issue that we’ve written and come across.

I wrote a news analysis earlier this year about the push from the White House against long-term-unemployment discrimination, including President Obama’s vow during his Jan. 2014 State of the Union address to give more long-term-unemployed Americans a “fair shot” at a job.

At the time of that story, New York was one of 10 states mulling a state law banning such discrimination. New York City, meanwhile, had already enacted, in June of 2013, one of the nation’s most aggressive bans, creating “the first law in the United States that defines a job applicant’s unemployed status as a protected class along with age, race, creed, color, national origin, gender, disability, marital status, partnership status, sexual orientation and alienage/citizenship status,” according to this report from the Society for Human Resource Management.

The SHRM piece says the NYC law is broader in scope than other laws (and bills being considered in some states) by providing plaintiffs with the right to pursue private civil claims and by treating unemployed applicants in the same way members of other protected classes are treated under nondiscrimination laws.

I was hoping to get something from Solomon about all this — about its view of the case and about doing business in New York with this law on the books — but Paul Coller, vice president of human resources at Solomon and the company’s chief human resource officer, could only say he and his colleagues “are confident the facts will show that these allegations lack any merit and, due to pending litigation, we have no further comment at this time.”

I guess it remains to be seen just how aggressive this anti-unemployment-discrimination push will be in the months and years to come. I guess it will be economy-driven. For now, my story and this subsequent column from our legal columnist, Paul Salvatore, spell out some things HR should be thinking about and doing around the push .

Salvatore’s reminder:

“HR leaders should consider the best practices released by the White House [during that State of the Union] and signed on to by many large employers. They include:

* Making sure advertising does not discourage or discriminate against the unemployed,

* Reviewing screens or procedures used in recruiting and hiring processes so individuals are not disadvantaged based solely on their unemployment status,

* Reviewing current recruiting practices to ensure a broad net is cast and to encourage all qualified candidates to consider applying, and

* Sharing best practices.”

Granted, the rate of unemployment is lower now than earlier this year, and much lower now than in the five previous years, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics. But it’s also well above the years just preceding the Great Recession and there’s really no telling how many people out there have been out of work for so long they’ve essentially given up hope.

Best to remain vigilant, not to mention compassionate and fair, whichever way the legislative and administrative winds are blowing.

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