Category Archives: labor unions

All Eyes on Volkswagen’s Amnesty for Answers

465782341 -- volkswagen2It’ll be interesting to see what comes of Volkswagen’s move to offer amnesty to all its bargaining-unit employees in hopes of uncovering just who was/is behind its emissions-cheating scandal.

According to a letter that went out Thursday from Herbert Diess, chief executive of the division that produces Volkswagen brand cars, employees have until Nov. 30 to come forward with information about who was responsible for installing software in 11 million diesel vehicles that disguised nitrogen-oxide output.

The letter, reviewed and reported on by the New York Times, says “people who provided information would not be fired or face damage claims [but] the company could not shield employees from criminal charges.”

In other words, the amnesty isn’t really designed for the really bad guys, “but rather, for the midlevel people who may have, without even knowing it, some relevant information,” Mike Koehler, a law professor at Southern Illinois University, told the Times.

It’s also, according to another legal source for that story — Alexandra Wrange, president of Trace International in Annapolis, Md. — “a tacit admission … that the usual reporting channels have been ineffective.”

You might call it a kind of pulling-out-all-the-stops kind of move, above and beyond the more commonplace no-retaliation policies contained in most whistleblowing programs, says Allan Weitzman, a Boca Raton, Fla.-based partner with Proskauer, whose list of specialties includes whistleblowing.

(At Volkswagen, it was an internal whistleblower who uncovered the false carbon-dioxide claims that the company made public last week. “German news media reports have said that internal investigators looking into the emissions-cheating software, which came to light in September, have been hampered by a reluctance among employees to come forward,” the Times story states.)

Weitzman joins in the general chorus of employment attorneys who consider Diess’ move new and different, to say the least.

“I know I’ve never heard of [this kind of corporate amnesty],” he says. “But these are unusual circumstances, and [as pointed out in the Times article as well], Volkswagen wants to show to governmental agencies that it has done everything it can to solve this problem; well, amnesty is pretty broad … I’d say ‘Yes, they have gone about as far as possible’ ” in this endeavor.

Is it the right move? Weitzman thinks so.

“I think it’ll work, too, if it has the support of the union, meaning [very simply] that the people who look to unions as their source of job security will participate in the amnesty program if their union supports it,” he says.

“And the union should support this,” he adds, “because the future of the union is tied to the future of Volkswagen, and if Volkswagen cannot solve this problem, it’s going to result in the unemployment of many, many union members.”

Twitter It!

Auto Workers’ Push for Pooling

The United Auto Workers is pushing for greater industry consolidation. No, I’m not referring to something along the lines of Fiat Chrysler’s CEO Sergio Marchionne’s on-again, off-again pursuit of merging with General Motors. I’m talking about employee healthcare.

ThinkstockPhotos-101922589A story in today’s Wall Street Journal titled “UAW Pitches Health-Care Co-op to Car Makers”  (subscription site) reports that the “United Auto Workers union is pushing Detroit car makers to put all their employees under one health-care umbrella, creating a powerful purchasing group that could upend traditional health-care markets.” It continues:

“The union’s idea would create a joint purchasing group for the three largest U.S. auto makers that would cover factory and white-collar workers and union-affiliated retirees. The group could total nearly 1 million members, a scale it believes would have unprecedented leverage in negotiating directly with hospitals, drug companies and others.

Assuming the idea even gets off the ground, it could take one to two years to set up and longer to generate significant savings, health-care experts said.”

As the WSJ story reports, “UAW President Dennis Williams previously has described the plan as a way for auto makers to gain more control over health-care expenses and win cost savings. He wants the purchasing group overseen by a board [consisting] of union and auto-industry executives. A prior effort to pull together employees of the three stalled in 2011 because auto makers weren’t interested in pursuing it.”

The UAW is currently negotiating a new four-year deal to replace the current contract, which is set to expire on Sept. 14.

I spoke to Steve Wojcik, vice president of public policy for the National Business Group on Health in Washington, and asked him for his take on the UAW move.

Wojcik says he can’t comment on the union’s plans, since he doesn’t know the specifics, but adds that he certainly understands where the motivation is coming from. Plans, he says, are under a lot of pressure to reduce costs, especially with the ACA excise tax kicking in in 2018.

Still, Wojcik says he isn’t convinced the UAW pooling strategy would be the most effective way to address the cost issue.

“The problem with these efforts,” he says, “is [they involve] voluntary participation—so employers with success at controlling costs or lowering healthcare expenses end up not participating and those having trouble [on these fronts do participate]. Because of this, I don’t think the track record has been that successful.”

Pooling, he adds, has typically found greater success among smaller organizations.

The WSJ story also touches on the practice of direct contracting. “One option for the purchasing pool, say people familiar with the matter, would be for it to establish ‘centers of excellence … ,” the article says. It cites Lowe’s Cos., which has a deal with the Cleveland Clinic and flies employees to Ohio for heart surgeries at no cost to the worker.

Commenting on this, Wojcik notes NBGH’s just-released Large Employer Plan Design Survey reveals that respondents put direct contracting close to the bottom of initiatives having an impact on controlling costs.

Wojcik points out that there’s probably good reason for this. A number of factors need to be in place for direct contracting to work, including the employer needs to have a “significant market power, opportunities need to exist for improving care delivery and there needs to be a decent amount of provider competition.”

“It’s not just about negotiating a discount,” he says.

Twitter It!

With Union Petitions Up, Get Your Message Out … NOW!

Since sharing this blog post the day before the National Labor Relations Board’s “quickie-election rules” went into effect on April Union14, I’ve been waiting to see if the predictions shared therein would come to pass.

More specifically, would there be — as predicted by various employment attorneys I talked to — a surge in the number of representation petitions filed with the NLRB by unions just waiting for those rules to help them hurry up their process?

Well, I just got confirmation from NLRB spokesperson Jessica Kahanek that there’s been a 32-percent spike in union petitions lodged with her agency in one month since the rule’s enactment. Broken down, that’s 212 petitions from March 13 to April 13 and 280 from April 14 to May 14. An impressive and additional 104 petitions were filed between May 14 and May 27, she tells me. Spike indeed!

Kahanek also notes that elections are now taking place — on average — 23 days from the date of the petition. This duration is a dramatic shift from the 38-day average that existed under the previous rule.

What’s also interesting to note is that the petitions didn’t come flooding in starting on April 14. On the contrary, says Steve Bernstein, a Tampa, Fla.-based labor attorney with Fisher & Phillips, “in the first two weeks after the rule, the numbers of petitions filed were flat, maybe even down some; only in the last two to three weeks have we been seeing them really climbing.”

So what does that mean? It means even the unions needed some time to figure out all the new procedures contained in the new rules. “It’s been a learning curve for everyone,” Bernstein says.

What it all really means — to employers — is now’s the time to talk up your company and make no bones about stressing with employees that it’s a better place to work communicating directly with management than through third-party representation.

Bernstein calls this “front-loading the message.”

Employers, he says, “have the opportunity to use this [albeit shorter] period of time to take the initiative away from the union.”

Some companies, in fact, are getting ready for the NLRB before the NLRB even comes knocking. They’re getting all the new data being asked for — employee emails, phone numbers, work histories, job classifications, etc. — collected and collated now “so they’re positioned to be standing on ‘Go’ when the petition arrives and can use all their time getting their message out,” says Bernstein. He recommends that you:

“start from the standpoint that, with the new rules, comes a new petition form giving unions the opportunity to request the earliest election dates possible, usually two weeks out. So you, the employer, can posit the question, ‘Why is this union trying to move so fast on something so important to your lives and the lives of your families as this?’ “

In terms of the new administrative and disclosure requirements contained in the rules, he says, rather than focusing only on scrambling around trying to meet them all, think about taking this approach:

“In many circles, the kind of employee data they’re now demanding from employers would look like an invasion of privacy. So you can put out the immediate message, ‘They’re not even here yet and look at the personal information they already want on you. Why do they want all this from us?’ “

In other words, the NLRB has changed the rules, so you can too. (FYI, my earlier post, linked above, contains the NLRB’s position and purpose in the rule changes.)

You don’t even have to wait for a petition to start the conversation. In addition to getting all your data ducks lined up, you can join with the many companies Bernstein is already seeing “embracing the notion that it’s OK to talk about this, now, with employees,” sooner than later, he says.

Nothing wrong with telling your employees, “Let’s have this union dialogue now,” he says, especially in businesses and industries where unions are dominant. Some companies are even fashioning tailored, customized videos along these lines to go with their orientation processes, i.e., why no union is better than representation.

“You’re really trying to establish this line of communication, getting them used to hearing about this, so it doesn’t just sound like a defensive move after the petition has arrived,” Bernstein says.

So, to recap, your message to them: “Hey, it’s OK to talk about this now, folks!”

And my message to you: Ditto.

Twitter It!

The Mindfulness-Retaliation Connection

Two researchers from the University of North Carolina Kenan-Flagler Business School came up with an interesting connection 166198718 -- meditation2between mindfulness and employee retaliation that has me drawing a further connection of my own.

The Kenan-Flagler study by Ph.D. student Erin Cooke Long and Professor Michael S. Christian suggests practicing mindfulness at work, which can incorporate workplace meditation, can actually reduce retaliatory behavior in employees who feel treated unfairly. (Here’s the study’s abstract.)

I suppose this can be seen as intuitive, but it’s apparently the first time mindfulness and retaliation have been connected in any study. As Cooke Long describes it:

“When employees think they have an unfair boss or colleague or the organization is unfair, they might be tempted to seek retribution or act in ways to ‘even the score.’ Mindfulness helps them short-circuit emotions and negative thoughts so that they can respond more constructively.”

Which gets me to my additional connection: How bout keep them mindful and meditating, and perhaps you can keep the unions from knocking at your door? Perhaps we can add “incorporating mindfulness into your workforce” to the many suggestions experts and attorneys offered in a recent webinar I blogged about the day before the National Labor Relations Board’s “quickie-election” rule went into effect.

Everyone speaking in that webinar agreed the rule — which became effective April 14 — would increase union activity and win rates within the business community.

And as Jeff Harrison, a Minneapolis-based Littler shareholder, said then, employers should be looking more closely at their people issues than ever before, because unhappy employees make for likely union members.

“Are your people treating your people right?” he said, because it’s those types of complaints — treatment ones — that “are almost always behind” employees being driven to unionize.

At the risk of making another bold connection, my sources for this blog post on the importance and difficulty of bringing mindfulness into the workplace — including our benefits columnist, Carol Harnett — would concur that offering such a stress-reducer certainly sends the message that employees are being treated well.

And if the UNC study is to be believed, which I don’t see any reason why it shouldn’t be, perhaps mindfulness can also keep their minds off “getting back” at you through protected concerted activities.

Twitter It!

Get Set for the NLRB’s ‘Quickie-Election’ Rule!

If you thought April 15 was a date to keep you awake at night, the day before — April 14; that’s tomorrow, folks! — could be worse. 116040122 -- labor unionTomorrow is the day the National Labor Relations Board’s “ambush-election rules,” aka “quickie-election rules,” governing how union representation is voted on by employees, takes effect.

Late last month, I was made aware of this post at, pointing out (in pretty cryptic terms) that “as President Obama’s union attorneys controlling the National Labor Relations Board push through their so-called ‘ambush-election rules’ … the NLRB is conducting ‘practitioner’ training at NLRB offices and other locations (including a union office) across the country.”

The post says little else, but does include the PowerPoint presentation being used for the practitioners’ education. I found it somewhat interesting. You might too.

Meanwhile, NLRB General Counsel Richard F. Griffin Jr. did release early last week a guidance memo on modifications to organized-labor-representation procedures effective April 14 — specifically, how new cases will be processed from petition filing through certification. In his words,

“I am confident that the guidance provided herein will allow regions to implement the final rule effectively and efficiently.”

What effect these new rules will have remains to be seen, though Joel Barras, employment attorney at Reed Smith, says he’s pretty  confident they’ll “dramatically limit the time employers have to run pro-company campaigns.” As he puts it:

“I believe unions will now wait to file their union representation petitions until the new rules take effect. If I am right, and we see a high number of petitions filed in mid to late April, that would serve as an excellent indication that unions agree with employers that the new rules will dramatically improve the likelihood that employees will vote to join unions.”

In a webinar Friday by several Littler attorneys, addressing what more than one called this “new reality,” Tanja Thompson, Memphis, Tenn.-based office managing shareholder for Littler, confirmed that her office has seen a recent “slowdown” in the number of union petitions filed, indicating many are, indeed, probably waiting to file under the new rules, as Barras predicts.

“Make no mistake; this rule change is designed to see increases in union win rates,” she said. ” … We do anticipate accelerated activity starting April 14.”

She and the others shared cautionary tips for making sure nothing is missed in the new system, such as adhering to deadlines for supplying lists of personal contact and job information of all likely and eligible union members … and remembering that union notices will now be coming via email, not fax, and “unions don’t always get it right in who they email, yet that’s who’s being served,” said Thompson.

They also laid out all kinds of strategies for being proactive and not waiting to take action until a petition is filed under the new system, which is expected to change the current six-week election process to something closer to two-to-three weeks.

Action plans should include putting your employer statement out now on unions and how you view them, ensure supervisors and managers are comfortable talking with employees about that view, and ensuring all workers understand the value of their wages and benefits.

“My fear for employers,” said Jeff Harrison, a Minneapolis-based Littler shareholder, “is they’ll be busy meeting the many requirements [of responding to a petition] at the expense of focusing on their [anti-union] campaign communication strategies.”

For a further frame of reference on what’s coming, here is our most recent post by Michael J. O’Brien on the “current ‘quickie’ kerfuffle,” as he calls it — namely, the vote on March 19 by the U.S. House of Representatives, passing a GOP-led resolution to overturn the rule. With Obama almost certain to veto it, the vote appears to have created hardly a wrinkle in the NLRB’s preparations, as I indicated above.

Here, too, is some good discussion of the GOP’s effect on the NLRB that Tom Starner raised in a January news analysis. Specifically, he writes, “while the NLRB has characterized its actions as ‘modernizing its processes,’ legal experts representing employers say the real impact will deny employers an adequate chance to stage an anti-union campaign prior to employee voting.”

So … “gather your bragging points now,” as Harrison said in the webinar. “Conduct vulnerability assessments,” with special focus on employees being treated fairly, with dignity and respect, and with robust employee-appreciation programs … those catch phrases “you often find in union petitions,” he said.

Bottom line, look closely at your people issues, said Harrison. “Are your people treating your people right?” Because it’s those types of complaints — treatment ones — that “are almost always behind” employees being driven to unionize.

Twitter It!

About That NLRB Ruling

In a divided opinion yesterday, the National Labor Relations Board ruled that employees can use their company’s email system for the purpose of Section 7  union-organizing activities. The case was brought to the NLRB’s attention by the AFL/CIO, which brought a lawsuit against California-based Purple Communications over its policy banning employees from using company email for activities related to union organizing.

In ruling 3-2 in favor of the plaintiffs, the NLRB overturned its 2007 Register Guard decision, in which it gave companies the right to restrict employees’ use of company email for organizing purposes without eliminating their right to use work email for other personal purposes. The latest ruling is “responsive to the enormous technological changes that are taking place in our society,” the board wrote. The NLRB said its ruling is “carefully limited” and applies only to employees who have already been granted access to company systems for their own work. Employers are not required to let employees use work email for Section 7 activities, the Board wrote — indeed, it can ban work email from being used for these purposes during work- and non-work hours so long as it’s part of a total ban on non-work use of its email system.

However, Philip Miscimarra, one of the two board members who voted against the majority, said that technological advances mean that employees have plenty of electronic options other than company email for the purposes of union-related communication. “National uprisings have resulted from the use of social media sites like Facebook and Twitter,” he said.

Jeffery Meyer, a labor and employment attorney with Kaufman Dolowich & Voluck, says the ruling “opens the floodgates for a full attack on employer property rights.”

“What this decision does is to provide unions and employees with a legal foundation to argue that Section 7 rights now trump an employer’s property right in almost any circumstance,” Meyer writes in a brief on the ruling.

Employers should review and, if necessary, revise their policies on electronic devices and instruments to take advantage of the “caveats delineated in the Board’s decision,” he writes. Although it’s a drastic move, “strict yet clear prohibitions and/or controls on personal use of company email systems could prove to be the difference in an organizing campaign where the union might not otherwise be able to contact the entire workforce.”

A company’s failure to revise its policies “could provide unions with a very useful tool to organize their employees,” writes Meyer. “Purple Communications serves as concrete evidence that a union will not think twice to use an unlawful handbook policy to its advantage in order to seek a new election should the employer win the first go-round.”

Twitter It!

Getting Out the Vote

Business groups are looking to make a difference in November’s midterm elections.

As a recent piece on the The Hill website reports, “Heavyweight groups such as the National Retail Federation, the National Federation of Independent Business, the National Association of Manufacturers, the Associated General Contractors of America and BIPAC are among those seeking to increase engagement in the political process this year.”

According to The Hill, more than 90 companies and industry groups are taking part in the Employee Voter Registration Week (which ends today), including the American Forest & Paper Association, Anadarko Petroleum, Caterpillar, eBay and a slew of state-level organizations.  Their hope is to break the gridlock and get employees registered and involved.

About 54 percent of American voters went to the polls two years ago, compared to around 38 percent in the 2010 midterms.

David French, the senior vice president of government relations at the National Retail Federation who discussed the initiative at a press conference the other day (see video), notes that …

“Any of these races could be decided by a few hundred votes, so a strong turnout from the business community could make the difference between a candidate who understands our concerns and a candidate who’s tuned to other voters’ interests.”

As The Hill piece explains, “trade groups and corporations will not be instructing their members and employees how to vote or who to vote for … but will be providing information about deadlines, how to register and where to vote.”

I asked Littler Shareholder Michael Lotito (who is based in San Francisco, but always keeps a watchful eye on what policymakers are up to in Washington) to share his thoughts on the significance of this effort.

Lotito sees it as a counter weight to what the American Federation of Labor does in getting out the vote through registration drives and email solicitations.

“Businesses have been largely quiet in this regard,” he says. “But often, the employees would benefit from hearing from their employer as to how the positions of candidates and state and local propositions may impact the company and, either directly or indirectly, the employees who depend on the company.  Many companies are not engaged in this process, not even encouraging their people to register and vote, let alone modify work schedules on election day to make sure people can vote.”

Lotito also suggests that HR might want to be more than just a bystander in this regard. “Let HR be the leader for the identification of issues, how those items will impact the company, which candidates (regardless of party) advances those interests, and then advising how a person can register to vote, obtain absentee ballots and go to the polls on election day.”

At the end of the day, it’s probably going to be tough to know how much of an impact any of this will have, but with voter turnout for the midterms being as pitiful as it is, it would seem to me that any effort to get citizens more engaged (if I can borrow a word from the HR lexicon) in our electoral system should be viewed as a good thing.

In case you’re wondering, the midterms are November 4—so, if you haven’t yet, mark it down.

Twitter It!

New Rulings Affect Labor Landscape

Mcdonalds rulingLabor unions saw a setback today with the just-announced ruling from the Wisconsin Supreme Court upholding that state’s law that effectively bans collective bargaining by state government employees. Unions nationwide have poured resources into contesting the law, which ignited a firestorm in Wisconsin when it was signed by Gov. Scott Walker three years ago.

But on a national scale, unions should be much happier about the recent ruling from the National Labor Relations Board’s general counsel, Richard F. Griffin Jr., that McDonald’s Corp. could be held jointly liable for labor and wage violations by its franchisees. Workers at various McDonald’s locations have alleged they were retaliated against after participating in strikes and demonstrations demanding higher wages. Griffin’s ruling, which will probably go before the five-member NLRB board and could possibly go as far as the U.S. Supreme Court, says McDonald’s is a joint employer along with its franchisees and therefore shares responsibility for the retaliatory measures allegedly taken against the employees. The NLRB found that of 181 cases filed against McDonald’s since late 2012, 43 cases have been found to have merit and that the Oak Brook, Ill.-based fast-food giant and its franchisees will be named as respondents if the parties cannot reach settlement, while 68 of the cases have been dismissed and 64 remain under investigation.

The ruling has the business community hopping mad — and that’s no surprise, considering that it has the potential to significantly alter the longstanding franchisor-franchisee business model and could make it easier for unions to organize hourly workers at national retail and restaurant establishments.

The following statement from Angelo Amador, vice president of labor and workplace policy at the National Restaurant Association, reflects what many others in the business community are saying about the ruling:

The ruling … asserting that McDonald’s Corp. is a ‘joint employer’ of its franchisees’ employees overturns 30 years of established law regarding the franchise model in the United States, erodes the proven franchisor/franchisee relationship and jeopardizes the success of 90 percent of America’s restaurants who are independent operators or franchisees.”

Heather Smedstad, senior VP of human resources for McDonald’s USA, said in a statement that “this decision to allow unfair labor practice complaints to allege that McDonald’s is a joint employer with its franchisees is wrong. McDonald’s will contest this allegation in the appropriate forum.”

But proponents of the ruling say McDonald’s actually exercises significant control over its franchisees’ employees, requiring them to abide by an extensive list of rules and regulations and even providing the franchisees with software that helps them determine staffing levels for specific times of the day. Here’s what Micah Wissinger, an attorney who represents McDonald’s workers in New York, told the Society for Human Resource Management:

McDonald’s can try to hide behind its franchisees, but today’s determination by the NLRB shows there’s no two ways about it: The Golden Arches is an employer, plain and simple. The reality is that McDonald’s requires franchisees to adhere to such regimented rules and regulations that there’s no doubt who’s really in charge.”

Former NLRB chairwoman Wilma Liebman told the New York Times that the decision “could give fast-food workers and labor unions leverage to get McDonald’s to negotiate about steps that would make it easier to organize McDonald’s restaurants.”

It’s clear we now have yet another NLRB action that’s once again galvanized the business community in opposition. Considering the sheer number of employees who work for franchisees, along with the record number of temps and contractors in the U.S. workforce today, the ultimate fate of this ruling will be very closely watched .

Twitter It!

Legislation to Counter ‘Ambush Election’ Rule

Last week, House and Senate Republicans announced the introduction of legislation intended to counter the National Labor Relations Board’s controversial
“ambush election rule,” the law firm Ballard Spahr recently noted in a legal alert.

(Eagle-eyed readers will remember we recently covered the topic in a news analysis piece titled “Are Employers Being Ambushed?”)

The NLRB’s proposed rule, which was re-issued on Feb. 5, would significantly
reduce the time in which a union election can take place after the filing of an
election petition. Under the proposed rule, elections could take place in as few as 10
days after the filing of a petition. This would constitute a significant change
in the timing of union elections as they currently take place under the
existing regulations

In its alert, Ballard Spahr says “many employers oppose the proposed ambush election rule and believe that it undermines the rights of both workers and employers,” and to that end, Congressional Republicans have introduced two bills aimed at changing the proposed rule:

The Workforce Democracy and Fairness Act (H.R. 4320) requires at least a 35-day window between the filing of an election petition and the union election. This bill would preserve an s ability to litigate challenges to the petition and proposed unit in  pre-election hearings and would provide the NLRB adequate time to rule on any  outstanding issues.

The Employee Privacy Protection Act (H.R. 4321) would enable employees to choose in writing what type of personal contact information the employer is required to provide to the union after the processing of a representation petition. This package of legislation would nullify the NLRB’s proposed ambush election rule.

Stay tuned as this legal picture continues to develop…

Twitter It!

College Football Team Wants to Unionize

football playersCollege athletics are a multi-billion dollar business — with most of that revenue generated by college football players. The players are, of course, unpaid — but that isn’t stopping the football team at Northwestern University from trying to form a union.

As reported on, Ramogi Huma, president of the College Athletes Players Association, filed a petition at the Chicago office of the National Labor Relations Board on behalf of the Northwestern University Wildcats football team. Northwestern U. is located in the Chicago suburb of Evanston, Ill. “This is about finally giving college athletes a seat at the table,” Huma told ESPN. “Athletes deserve an equal voice when it comes to their physical, academic and financial protections.”

Concussions, and the alleged lack of attention devoted to preventing them by the NCAA, represent one of the chief concerns of the Northwestern players and is a big reason why they’re trying to form a union, Huma said:

It’s become clear that relying on NCAA policymakers won’t work, that they are never going to protect college athletes, and you can see that with their actions over the past decade. Look at their position on concussions. They say they have no legal obligation to protect players.”

Wildcats quarterback Kain Colter, who reached out to Huma last spring for help in getting the players representation, told ESPN that “we love Northwestern” and that the players have no issue with their treatment by the university, but that the NCAA has failed to adequately address safety issues such as concussions and that they’re seeking to organize on behalf of all college players: “Right now the NCAA is like a dictatorship. No one represents us in negotiations. The only way things are going to change is if players have a union.”

In a statement, Northwestern said it supports having a dialogue around the issues and the right of the football team to have a voice in that dialogue, but that it does not support the players organizing through a labor union.

The NCAA issued a statement from chief legal officer Donald Remy:

This union-backed attempt to turn student-athletes into employees undermines the purpose of college: an education. Student-athletes are not employees, and their participation in college sports is voluntary. We stand for all student-athletes, not just those the unions want to professionalize.”

Huma and the Wildcats football team are being backed in their efforts by the United Steelworkers union, which will pay CAPA’s legal expenses.

The unionization effort isn’t aimed at getting salaries for the football players, although Huma didn’t specifically rule that out as a long-term goal in the ESPN interview. Instead, the focus is on getting guaranteed coverage for sports-related medical expenses for current and former athletes, and compensation for sponsorships. The group also plans to establish a trust fund to help former players complete their degrees and push for an increase in athletic scholarships.

Jeff Kessler, a Winston & Strawn partner who helped bring free agency to the NFL, told Bloomberg News that the petition will likely be appealed past the NLRB to the courts. Last fall Kessler said he was starting the first college-focused division at a major law firm to represent players, coaches, schools and conferences against the NCAA.

“This proceeding will present the fundamental issue as to whether or not students athletes should be considered employees who can unionize for purposes of the national labor relations act,” Kessler told Bloomberg News.

Twitter It!